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1. Version: 3.0.6 If you have Blocs 2 or use some other app like Rapidweaver do yourself a favour and buy Blocs 3. This is a huge upgrade with regular updates and lots more development in the pipeline.
2. Learn more about Blocs: web design this video, I am sharing my review of Blocs for Mac, my.
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The 2020 U.S. presidential election is rapidly coming into view – and so is the electorate that will determine its outcome.

While demographic changes unfold slowly, it's already clear that the 2020 electorate will be unique in several ways. Nonwhites will account for a third of eligible voters – their largest share ever – driven by long-term increases among certain groups, especially Hispanics. At the same time, one-in-ten eligible voters will be members of Generation Z, the Americans who will be between the ages 18 and 23 next year. That will occur as Millennials and all other older generations account for a smaller share of eligible voters than they did in 2016.

Pew Research Center defines the electorate as all citizens ages 18 and older living in the United States. We don't account for those who have lost their voting rights, such as people convicted of felonies living in certain states, or those who can vote from outside the U.S., such as citizens living abroad and members of the armed forces stationed in other countries.

EAST ASIA'S REGIONAL TURN The full impact of COVID-19 will not be known for some time but lasting aftershocks are inevitable. The International Monetary Fund already projects that growth in emerging and developing Asia will fall from 5.5 percent in 2019 to 1.0 percent in 2020, and in the United States by nearly twice that much, from 2.3.

What might these demographic shifts mean politically? In 2016, nonwhite voters were more likely to back Democrat Hillary Clinton, while white voters were more likely to back Republican Donald Trump. Younger generations, meanwhile, differ notably from older generations in their views on key social and political issues. It remains unclear how these patterns might factor into the 2020 election and, as always, a great deal will depend on who turns out to vote.

More Hispanic than black eligible voters

We project that the 2020 election will mark the first time that Hispanics will be the largest racial or ethnic minority group in the electorate, accounting for just over 13% of eligible voters – slightly more than blacks. This change reflects the gradual but continuous growth in the Hispanic share of eligible voters, up from 9% in the 2008 presidential election and 7% in the 2000 election. The black eligible voter population has grown about as fast as the electorate overall, meaning their share has held constant at about 12% since 2000.

In raw numbers, a projected 32 million Hispanics will be eligible to vote in 2020, compared with 30 million blacks. The population of Asians eligible to vote will reach an estimated 11 million in 2020, which is more than double the 5 million who were eligible to vote in 2000, accounting for 5% of next year's electorate.

Taken together, this strong growth among minority populations means that a third of eligible voters will be nonwhite in 2020, up from about a quarter in 2000. This increase is at least partially linked to immigration and naturalization patterns: One-in-ten eligible voters in the 2020 election will have been born outside the U.S., the highest share since at least 1970.

Voter turnout will play an important role in determining the relative electoral influence of different racial and ethnic groups. For example, while Hispanics will outnumber blacks among eligible voters next year, they may not actually cast more ballots than blacks due to different turnout patterns. In recent presidential elections, blacks were substantially more likely than Hispanics to vote. Indeed, the number of Hispanic eligible voters who didn't vote has exceeded the number of those who did vote in every presidential election since 1996.

Still, the changing racial and ethnic composition of the electorate likely has political implications in part because nonwhites have long been significantly more likely than whites to back Democratic candidates. For instance, in the 2016 election, white voters favored Donald Trump by a 15 percentage point margin, while large majorities of blacks and Hispanics voted for Hillary Clinton.

Generational shifts

Another important long-term trend is the overall aging of the electorate. In 2020, nearly a quarter of the electorate (23%) will be ages 65 and older, the highest such share since at least 1970. This reflects not only the maturation of the large Baby Boom generation but also increased life expectancy among older Americans.

Baby Boomers and older generations, who will be ages 56 and older next year, are expected to account for fewer than four-in-ten eligible voters in 2020. This is a significant change from 2000, when nearly seven-in-ten eligible voters (68%) were Boomers, Silents or members of the Greatest Generation (collectively, those ages 36 and older at the time). Even as recently as 2012, when the youngest Boomer was 48 years old, Boomer and older generations were about half of the electorate (49%).

The next presidential election will also mark the first time that Millennials (who will be ages 24 to 39 in 2020) will account for a slightly smaller share of the electorate than they represented in the last presidential election. The raw number of Millennials eligible to vote is increasing due to foreign-born Millennials naturalizing to become citizens. But the Millennial share of the electorate has peaked as they are not growing as fast as the electorate overall.

Meanwhile, the leading edge of Generation Z (people ages 18 to 23 in 2020) is projected to comprise one-in-ten eligible voters, up from just 4% in 2016, when the vast majority were too young to cast ballots. These post-Millennials are on track to be more racially and ethnically diverse than their predecessors: In 2020, Gen Z eligible voters are expected to be 55% white and 45% nonwhite, including 21% Hispanic, 14% black, and 4% Asian or Pacific Islander. By comparison, the Boomer and older electorate is projected to be about three-quarters white (74%).

Differences in turnout rates again matter when talking about generations and should be kept in mind as election season gets underway. Since older adults are more likely to turn out to vote, it's possible that older generations will form a larger share of actual voters in 2020 than their share in the electorate. That's what happened in 2016: Even though Boomers and older generations accounted for 43% of eligible voters, they cast 49% of the ballots.

View full details on our data and methodology.

Settlement blocs (sometimes referred to as consensus settlements) is term used to refer to those Israeli settlements and territory around them considered candidates to be retained by Israel in any peace agreement. The exact extent of these blocs has never been defined or agreed upon.

Origin and development of the term[edit]

Usage is found in peace negotiations at Camp David in July 2000 and subsequently in The Clinton Parameters^[1]

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According to a 2001 Foundation for Middle East Peace report, Israel's Final Status Map at Taba, is both 'conceptually and territorially reminiscent of' the 1995 Beilin–Abu Mazen agreement that established a Palestinian willingness to consider trading settlement blocs for equivalent Israeli land.^[2]

Palestinian leaders have accepted the principle of swaps although neither they nor the United States have ever agreed on a delineation of the blocs.^[3]

2000 and 2001[edit]

Starting with Camp David, Palestinians agreed (while differing on the size and location of swaps) Israel could annex some settlement blocs (including Ariel in the north, some parts of the Latrun salient, and the Etzion bloc near Bethlehem) as well as Israeli/Jewish settlements established in East Jerusalem since 1967 such as Gilo, Neve Ya'acov, and Pisgat Ze'ev^[4]At Camp David, Israel offered to establish a sovereign Palestinian state encompassing the Gaza Strip, 92 percent of the West Bank (91 percent of the West Bank plus the equivalent of 1 percent of the West Bank in land from pre-1967 Israel), and some parts of Arab East Jerusalem.^[4]:5 The Palestinians used a total area of 5,854 square kilometers whereas Israel excluded the area known as No Man's Land (50 sq. km near Latrun), post-1967 East Jerusalem (71 sq. km), and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195 sq. km) giving 5,538 sq. km. So 91% of 5,538 sq. km of the West Bank translated into 86% from the Palestinian standpoint.^[4]:16,17

2003[edit]

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The Geneva initiative includes land swaps of 2.2 percent, with the settlement blocs of Gush Etzion (excluding Efrat), Ma'aleh Adumim (excluding 'E1'), Modi'in Ilit and Givat Ze'ev becoming part of Israel.

2008[edit]

As part of the Annapolis plan, Olmert proposed annexing all the major settlement blocs (about 5.9 percent of the West Bank territory), in exchange for 5.2 percent of Israeli territory whereas Abbas proposed giving Israel 1.6 percent of the West Bank in exchange for 2 percent of Israeli territory. Abbas did not include Ma'aleh Adumim or Givat Ze'ev but did agree to Modi'in Ilit and Gush Etzion (excluding Efrat).^[5]Alan Dowty makes use of the Palestine Papers to refer to a 'Summary of Olmert's Package Offer to Abu Mazen' of August 31, 2008,^[6] based on information provided by Palestinian spokesperson Saeb Erekat, to describe an offer whereby Israel would annex 6.8% (calculated excluding No Man's Land and East Jerusalem and including Gush Etzion (with Efrat), Ma'ale Adumim, Givat Ze'ev and Ariel as well all settlements in East Jerusalem) in exchange for 5.5% of Israeli territory.^[7]

2015[edit]

Meeting with EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini, Netanyahu voices willingness for the first time since taking office to discuss size of settlement blocs and their borders with Palestinians.^[8]In a report using data through 2015, Haaretz, without specifying how it had defined settlement blocs, gave the total number of settlers in blocs in the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) as 214,459 (56% of 382,916) located in 19 (of 125) settlements (excluding outposts).^[9]

2017[edit]

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The 'Greater Jerusalem' law was introduced in 2016 and intended to include (but not annex) five settlement blocks (Ma'aleh Adumim, Gush Etzion, Efrat, Beitar Illit and Givat Ze'ev, 19 settlements), about 150,000 settlers, within Jerusalem's municipal jurisdiction. International pressure, mainly from the United States, resulted in the draft bill being withdrawn from consideration in October, 2017.^[10]

2019[edit]

Speaking at a public conference on December 8, 2019, Netanyahu said:

I think the time has come to extend Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan Valley, and also arrange the status of all the settlements in Judea and Samaria, those inside the settlement blocks, and those that are not in the blocs. They will be part of the state of Israel.^[11]

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References[edit]

1. ^Martin Blecher (15 October 2018). Israeli Settlements: Land Politics beyond the Geneva Convention. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 132–. ISBN978-0-7618-7065-4.
2. ^Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/11.2.pdf 2001 p=4
3. ^'Netanyahu and the Settlements'. New York Times. March 12, 2015. Retrieved December 3, 2019.
4. ^ ^abcPressman, Jeremy (2003). 'Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?'. International Security. 28 (2): 20. doi:10.1162/016228803322761955. JSTOR4137467.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
5. ^'Explained: How big an obstacle are Israeli settlements to peace?'. Haaretz. February 14, 2017. Retrieved December 9, 2019.
6. ^http://www.ajtransparency.com/files/4736.pdf
7. ^Alan Dowty (22 February 2019). The Israel/Palestine Reader. Wiley. pp. 185–. ISBN978-1-5095-2737-3.
8. ^'Netanyahu Proposes Talks on Borders of Settlement Blocs'. Haaretz. May 26, 2015. Retrieved December 9, 2019.
9. ^'How Many Settlers Really Live in the West Bank? Haaretz Investigation Reveals'. Haaretz. June 15, 2017. Retrieved December 13, 2019.
10. ^'Israel's Greater Jerusalem Bill'. Jurist. March 5, 2018. Retrieved December 9, 2019.
11. ^'Netanyahu insists Jordan Valley annexation discussed with Pompeo'. Jerusalem Post. December 8, 2019. Retrieved December 8, 2019.